By Jobers Bersales
Cebu Daily News
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Japan's Records on War Reparations
by Noguchi Hikaru | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Japan has not dodged any responsibility for peaceful relations. The general public seems to be ignorant of the fact that Japan has faithfully met, negotiated, and fulfilled rigorous demands on all war-time reparations. Negotiations for post-war reparations started in 1951 and continued until 1977. In all, 54 treaties and agreements were concluded.
It is difficult to simplify the whole picture, but the following table will give you an idea:
The first country with which Japan concluded an agreement was Myanmar (Burma). A total of about 90 billion yen of indemnity and semi-indemnity were paid out to Myanmar, which was about 9 per cent of Japan's budget. When agreements were concluded with the Philippines, in 1956, Japan's national budget was a little over one trillion yen. Indemnity and semi-indemnity promised to the Philippines totaled 27% of that budget. Similarly, when Korea and Japan reached an agreement in 1965, Japan agreed to pay 180 billion yen (500 million dollars) indemnity and aid. Looking from Korea's point of view, this amount was 1.45 times Korea's national budget, and 3.8 times its foreign reserves. Most of this money was used by the Korean government for the nation's modernization. Korea says that it contributed to 20 per cent of its economic growth between 1966 and 1975, and 8 per cent annually to cover its trade deficit. From 1975, Korea also started compensations to individual citizens for personal losses during the war. However, on the whole, the Korean government chose to use the resources for national prosperity over compensation to private citizens. Figures are from: "Sengo Hoshoron wa Machigatte Iru" ( Mistaken Beliefs in Demands for Post-War Reparations) By OKADA Kunihiro / Published by Japan Policy Institute (Tokyo) Sankei Newspaper Sept.12th 1994 issue Spa Magazines Date unknown, 1996 issue "Kotonaru Higeki Nihon to Doitsu" (Dissimilar Tragedies: Japan & Germany) By NISHIO Kanji (1994) / Published by Bungei Shunju (Tokyo) |
Washington Post columnist David Ignatius created a tempest last week when he reported U.S. Defense Secretary Leon Panetta's prediction that Israel will attack Iran and its nuclear complex "in April, May or June." Ignatius's column was as startling as it was exasperating. When the sitting U.S. defense secretary -- presumably privy to facts not generally available to the public -- makes such a prediction, observers have good reasons to pay attention. On the other hand, the international community has been openly dealing with the Iranian nuclear issue for nearly a decade, with similar crescendos of anticipation having occurred before, all to no effect. Why would this time be different?
Further, an Israeli air campaign against Iran would seem like an amazingly reckless act. And an unnecessary one, too, since international sanctions against Iran's banks and oil market are just now tightening dramatically.
Yet from Israel's point of view, time really has run out. The sanctions have come too late. And when Israeli policymakers consider their advantages and all of the alternatives available, an air campaign, while both regrettable and risky, is not reckless.
Here's why:
Read more.Written by John Berthelsen | ||
Tuesday, 12 July 2011 | ||
Fear of arrest appears to be deterring top administration officials from venturing overseas The top members of the administration of former US President George W Bush have considerable reason not to venture outside the United States, according to a new report issued today by the Washington, DC-based Human Rights Watch, which declares that "overwhelming evidence" exists of torture of prisoners by the Bush administration. It also says the Obama administration has failed to meet its commitments under the Convention Against Torture to investigate the allegations. |